The Greek Watergate: Spyware, Secrecy, and the Subversion of the State

In the heart of the European Union, a scandal reminiscent of Watergate has unfolded in Greece, implicating the highest levels of government in a web of illegal surveillance using sophisticated spyware. Dubbed “Predatorgate,” the affair involves the deployment of Predator spyware—developed by the Intellexa consortium—to target journalists, opposition politicians, business leaders, and even members of the ruling party. What began as isolated reports in 2021 has escalated into a full-blown crisis, exposing abuses of power under Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’s New Democracy government. This investigation draws on extensive reporting, official inquiries, and recent developments, revealing a pattern of surveillance that has chilled free speech, undermined judicial independence, and drawn international condemnation.

The Digital Poison: Anatomy of the Predator Spyware

Predator, a zero-click spyware akin to Pegasus, infiltrates devices via malicious links or vulnerabilities, granting access to messages, calls, emails, and location data without user interaction. Sold by Intellexa, a Cyprus- and Greece-based alliance of companies, it has been exported to regimes in Egypt, Sudan, Madagascar, and beyond. Intellexa, founded by former Israeli intelligence officer Tal Dilian, has faced U.S. sanctions since July 2023 for enabling human rights abuses.

In Greece, Predator’s use intertwined with legal wiretapping by the National Intelligence Service (EYP), placed under Mitsotakis’s direct control in 2019. A 2021 law amendment barred targets from learning of surveillance post-facto, facilitating secrecy. Over 15,000 wiretap orders were issued in 2021 alone, far exceeding norms in other democracies.

The Unraveling: How a Journalist’s Phone Exposed a Government

The scandal’s roots trace back to at least 2020, but it gained public attention in 2022 through investigative journalism. In spring 2021, a financial journalist, investigating banking scandals and EU bailout funds, Thanasis Koukakis noticed unusual phone behavior, such as rapid battery drain and calls answering prematurely. Analysis revealed his device had been infected with Predator spyware between June and August 2021, allowing full access to his communications. Separately, he discovered he had been under traditional wiretapping by Greece’s National Intelligence Service (EYP) from June 1 to August 12, 2021.

In September 2021, Nikos Androulakis, then a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) and opposition leader of the Pasok-Kinal party, received a suspicious text message containing a link designed to install Predator. He did not click it, but EU IT experts later confirmed the attempt in July 2022. Around the same time, it emerged that Androulakis had also been wiretapped by EYP for three months in 2021, during his campaign to lead his party.

The story broke widely in April 2022 when Koukakis’s infection was reported, followed by further revelations in July and August 2022. Media outlets like Efimerida ton Sintakton (EFSYN), Inside Story, and Reporters United uncovered a list of over 30 targets, including journalists, politicians, business leaders, and even government officials like the chief of armed forces. By November 2022, reports indicated dozens of high-profile individuals had been surveilled, with connections traced to Intellexa operating from Greece.

Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis became central to the allegations after placing EYP under his direct control in July 2019. His nephew, Grigoris Dimitriadis, former EYP overseer, was linked to spyware firms and filed defamation lawsuits against media outlets seeking up to €3.3 million in damages.

The Web of Lies: Official Denials and Uncomfortable Truths

The Greek government, led by Mitsotakis’s New Democracy party, has consistently denied purchasing or using Predator spyware. In an August 2022 televised address, Mitsotakis admitted the Androulakis wiretap was “wrong” but claimed ignorance of it at the time. He stated EYP had never used illegal software, attributing spyware use to “private players.”

Resignations followed: EYP head Panagiotis Kontoleon for “incorrect actions in legal surveillance,” and Dimitriadis amid media links to the scandal (though officially denied as related).

In December 2022, The New York Times linked the spyware to companies with ties to Greek officials. The scandal continued into 2023 and beyond, with ongoing investigations and new laws on surveillance. In December 2022, Greece passed Law 5002/2022, banning private spyware but allowing the government to purchase surveillance technology under certain conditions. In fact, it legitimizes broad surveillance on “national security” grounds with minimal oversight.

“Watergate on Steroids”: Europe Condemns, Greece Ignores

A 2022 parliamentary probe, dominated by New Democracy, was opaque, the ruling party blocked key witnesses and kept proceedings confidential.

Judicial probes concluded in July 2024, with Supreme Court prosecutor Georgia Adilini clearing state agencies of involvement. As a result, only four people directly involved in the spyware trade were brought to trial for minor offenses on April 10, 2025. However, the process was promptly frozen, allegedly because of the “need to translate” documents for foreign defendants. It is scheduled to resume at the end of September.

Among the defendants are four Intellexa executives – Tal Dilian, the founder of Intellexa, his wife Sarah Alexandra Fayssal Hamou, Felix Bitsios and Giannis Lavranos. They were charged with a misdemeanor for violating communications privacy laws by installing spyware on the phones of 116 people, including politicians and journalists.

The European Parliament’s PEGA committee investigated, with MEP Sophie in ‘t Veld describing it as “Watergate on steroids.” Koukakis escalated to the European Court of Human Rights.

In April 2024, Greece’s Council of State ruled a 2021 law amendment unconstitutional for blocking surveillance notifications, but EYP defied it in some cases.

The scandal has created a “climate of fear” among journalists, leading to self-censorship and reduced source communications. Human Rights Watch’s 2025 report notes a “chilling effect,” with Greece’s media freedom deteriorating, symbolized by Predatorgate. As of September 2025, the executives’ trial resumes amid calls for Mitsotakis’s prosecution for high treason over surveillance. With elections looming, the opposition demands a coalition to probe fully.

The Greek government’s deft maneuvering to hush Predatorgate—through dismissive rhetoric, judicial leniency, and controlled inquiries—reveals a chilling commitment to avoiding accountability. By cloaking its surveillance abuses, the Mitsotakis regime undermines public trust and democratic norms, setting a dangerous precedent for the EU. This scandal is not just a national failure but a cautionary tale of how silence can erode the very foundations of a free society.